TheDaak review

Performing Representation: Women Members in the Indian Parliament by Shirin Rai, Carole Spary, Oxford University Press, 2019, 416 pages, 14.61 x 3.18 x 22.23 cm, ISBN-978-0199489053, Rs 995

By Sneha Roy

Shirin Rai and Carole Spary are well known scholars in the field of gender and politics, and they break new ground with their invaluable insights on women’s representation in their book Performing Representation: Women Members in the Indian Parliament. They do so while adorning the gendered lens, looking beyond the institutional approach in examining the workings of the Indian Parliament. The methodology they adopt instead tries to fill the gap in examining representative politics through institutional norms by performing a study that is both “historical and socially embedded” (p. 334). This book is theoretically nuanced and is a must-read for anyone trying to understand the everyday workings of the Indian Parliament as it provides a cultural (Taylor, 1995) analysis of the Parliament’s functioning, and is not limited to the investigation of constitutional debates (Austin, 1999). To break free from the “universalism that undermines the performance of ‘other’ representative modes” (p. 18), Rai and Spary adopt the performative approach in bringing about a gendered revolution, tipping the scale towards understanding the experiences of women MPs by reflecting on vignettes provided by elected representatives who identify as women in the Indian Parliament, the corporeality of  their speeches and debates as well as visuals in terms of their clothing. The ‘gendered revolution’ is made possible as they do not treat women MPs as a homogenous group but instead view parliaments as ‘diverse and conflictual spaces of work’ (p. 345).

Rai and Spary focus on Pitkin’s¹ (1967) third mode of representation–‘the symbolic’– while also engaging with her other two modes, i.e. descriptive and substantive representation. Being dialectical, the symbolic dimension includes visuals and the discursive aspects of representation because it reflects the interaction between the performer and the audience, which is in line with their empirically sound ‘performative approach’ which they represent in a tabulated figure (fig.1.2), making it easier for scholars to replicate. They suggest that such an approach “can be materialised through anthropological, ethnographic, and aesthetic approaches” (p. 18). The significance of adopting a very sophisticated blend of qualitative and quantitative methods by evaluating the performance of women MPs in the Parliament, is mammoth as it raises questions that were earlier overlooked by scholars studying representation in this context (p. 311- Struggles for Re-nomination: Stories Told and Untold). They do so by analysing numerical data and generating their own quantitative data— “social profiles of women in terms of class and education, how women MPs have voted, the hours that they have spent participating in debates and how much they have garnered votes” (p. 332). This is done in tandem with analysing their life stories, reflecting on how they present themselves to the authors, their constituents and their peers as well as “media representations of women MPs, press photographs that highlight and comment on their dress and deportment, and by listening to their speeches in Parliament, by reading through parliamentary debates and watching Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha TV” (p.332).

The authors reflect critically on the juxtaposition of the different positions adopted by women MPs and their representation. Some women MPs claim to ‘do politics differently’, while focusing on ‘womanly qualities’ (p.289). On the other hand, others did not want to be associated as ‘women’ MPs (p. 333) and strayed away from the gender specific representations. For instance, in the analysis of MP Sumitra Mahajan’s speeches, some phrases stand out—[women] being the ‘strongest voices of peace and non-violence’, ‘[women] tend to work in a less hierarchical and more participatory and collaborative manner’ (2016:21) ‘life giver-producer mother power’ (Mahajan, 2016a: 224, 227). According to Rai and Spary, such reflections can ‘displace the individualised and heroic approaches to leadership’ (p. 289) but at the same time they express their anxieties over such ‘domestication of politics’ (Ch 2 and Ch 8) which does not produce structural change as it does not challenge gendered norms but furthers the representation of women being docile actors in a gendered institution. On the other end of the spectrum, we have women MPs who either did not want to be associated with their gender but just as working members of the parliament (p.333) or who go completely against the prescribed feminine qualities and adopt notions of ‘dashing’ (Bedi, 2016) (p.289). For instance, Uma Bharti and Vijaya Raje Scindia, supporting their respective party’s agendas of anti-Muslim and anti-Babri Masjid sentiment (p. 289). Showcasing different ways in which women perform politics, Rai and Spary, throw light on the heterogeneity of the category of women as well as the ways of representation they adopt, thus going a step beyond Pitkin’s (1967) political triptych, descriptive representation (representing constituents), substantive representation (making laws), and symbolic representation (representing democratic politics) (p. 12). Such arguments compel the readers to think whether the ‘politics of presence’ (Phillips, 1995) always leads to substantive representation or not.

This volume also deals with the notion of intersectionality, portraying the complexity of Dalit representation in a space that ‘mirrors society and nation at large’ (Johnson and Rai, 2014). There are various measures in place to ensure positive discrimination (Art 330, 332, and 334) to promote ‘effective equality’ (Brass, 1994) and uplift the marginalised sections (Dalits [SCs] and tribal communities [STs]). One would think that MPs belonging to such communities would always be in favour of such measures, but this was not the case.  Velayudhan, the only Dalit woman to be elected to the constituent assembly in 1946, asserted that she was against affirmative action or ‘any kind of reservation’ (p. 9). In their concluding remarks, Rai and Spary also expressed their dilemma while interviewing Dalit women in Parliament who were reluctant to talk about ‘Dalit issues’ (p. 333). However, such practices do not discount the role of ‘critical actors’ (p. 23) like Meira Kumar (Armitage, Johnson, and Spary, 2014) and the more recently elected Draupadi Murmu who make a difference in the everyday functioning of the Parliament by ensuring a ‘politics of presence’ (Phillips, 1995). The authors also reflect on the accounts of former MP Brinda Karat and Asha Kotwal, the general secretary of the All India Dalit Women Rights Forum who expressed their anxieties over Dalit women being subjected to both caste and gender-based discrimination (p. 118). 

The authors do not limit their study to just the themes discussed in this review but also include the problems of authenticity of representation (p. 150) and frivolity of Bollywood-esque representation of women MPs who had earlier ties to the celebrity culture, portraying their rivalry as almost a daily soap (p. 117) among others. Women MPs are not free from the male gaze in terms of what they wear to the Parliament as well as their personal lives making them subject to constant scrutiny. This volume offers a nuanced understanding of the representation of women in the Indian Parliament, focusing on the finer details of performance on a case-by-case basis rather than imposing a universal explanation of practices adopted while performing representation. Although this book may come across as theoretically dense for some readers, it serves as a cache for literature on the performance of representation, making it a must-read for scholars, researchers, or anyone interested in reading about the everyday workings of the Indian Parliament from a gendered perspective. 

With the political and aesthetic onslaught on the Parliament building, Performing Representation remains extremely relevant in today’s context, enabling one to see the parliament as a ‘theatre of Indian democracy’ (p.2), ‘place of work’ (p. 329) and more importantly as a ‘gendered site of representation’ (p.29). Even after decades of gaining independence, just over 11% of MPs in the Lok Sabha are women when the world average is 23.6% (p. 9). Building on the ‘critical mass’² (p. 323) argument presented in the book, the recent passing of the Women’s Reservation Bill, 2023³ is a product of women’s solidarity in the parliament (p. 320). It will surely push a greater number of women onto the political stage which will change the culture of the Parliament, bringing focus on gendered policy agendas and improving gender-sensitive legislation (p. 324). It will also ensure a safer work environment for women in dealing with ‘objectionable characters’ (p. 187), sexism and misogyny, thus ensuring their sustained participation. 

Notes

1. Hanna Pitkin in her book ‘The Concept of Representation’, 1967 identifies three modes of representation, i.e. descriptive representation, substantive representation, and symbolic representation. The authors focus on the dialectical symbolic approach as it emerges through the interaction between the performer and the audience to build their ‘performative approach’. 
2. Beckwith (2007) argues that there is a linear relationship between numbers (critical mass) and outcomes (gender equal policies) (p. 291).  The authors argue that the small numbers of women in large institutions results in the lack of ‘critical mass’ which leaves women isolated and constrained in challenging gender bias (p. 290). The presumption is that a greater number of women will change the culture of the parliament improving gender-sensitive legislation(p.324). The authors mention that authors like Childs and Krook (2008) have challenged the theory of ‘critical mass’ and have instead focussed on ‘critical actors’ in political institutions.
3. Also known as the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam, 128^th Constitutional Amendment Bill

References:

Armitage, F. R. E. Johnson, and C. Spary. 2014. “The Emergence and Impact of First Female Speakers in the UK, South Africa and India’. In Democracy in Practice: Ceremony and Ritual in Parliament edited by Shirin M. Rai and R. E. Johnson. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. 

Austin, Granville. 1999. The Indian Constitution. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Beckwith, K. 2007. ‘Numbers and Newness: The Descriptive and Substantive Representation of Women’. Canadian Journal of Political Science 

Bedi, Tarini. 2016. The Dashing Ladies of Shiv Sena: Political Matronage in Urbanizing India. Albany: SUNY Press. 

Brass, P. R. (1994). The Politics of India since Independence (2nd ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Childs, Sarah and Mona Lena Krook. 2007. ‘Critical Mass Theory and Women’s Political Representation’. Political Studies: 2008 56: 725-36. 

Phillips, Anne. 1995. The Politics of Presence: The Political Representation of Gender, Ethnicity, and Race. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Pitkin, H. F. 1967. The Concept of Representation. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. 

Rai, Shirin. M. and R. E. Johnson (eds). 2014. Democracy in Practice: Ceremony and Ritual in Parliament. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.