TheDaak review

The New World Disorder and Indian Imperative by Shashi Tharoor and Samir Saran, Aleph Book Company, Hardback, 2020,274 pages, 978-81-942337-3-2

By Akshay Gopal

The New World Disorder and Indian Imperative gives an understanding of the international order that came into being after the World Wars and the phase of transition it is currently undergoing. The authors Shashi Tharoor and Samir Saran, combined their efforts to explain why there should be a structural change of various international institutions and the international system, in general, to accommodate new voices from the ‘global South’ into the high tables. 

The new powers of the 21^st century are well aware of the phrase, “if you’re not on the table, you’re on the menu,” said the current US Secretary of State Antony Blinken (2024). Those who do not like the current order, where they do not have much say, are now building an alternative order. This new international order symbolises their version of the world where they can exercise their power through institutions that they build for themselves, challenging existing ones. With the surge of identity politics, regionalism, strongmen, and nationalism; democracy has been under a lot of scrutiny. The authors emphasised the leadership of an emerging democratic power India which now acts as a flagbearer of democratic norms and values and vouches for globalisation while the world is sliding into protectionism and anti-globalisation. 

In the first chapter, the authors mention dissatisfaction with the world order, emphasising Kofi Annan’s use of the expression “problems without passports”(p.22), which refers to problems that affect everyone and require a joint effort to eliminate them. The authors name six crises the world is facing: legitimacy crisis, representation crisis, collective crisis, identity crisis, and sovereignty. The powerful countries use their influence on international organisations to achieve their interests and bend international laws to their will. The liberal world order, designed with the motto of improving the lives and economy of people in underdeveloped countries, remained stagnant. The authors attributed these problems to the underrepresentation of the ‘Global South’ in these institutes. As a result, the South had to accept the decisions the West made on its behalf. The authors show that the international liberal order is only a facade and that everything depends on military power.

The second chapter of the book talks about the need for UN peacekeeping forces and their ‘efficiency’. The main goal of the UN is to bring peace in the areas of instability for the foreseeable future. The authors criticise the actions of the developed world in financing this kind of development or even adding troops. They argue that Western countries show no interest in sending their troops unless they have an interest in the region which indirectly points to the fact that countries operate according to their interests in the international system as realists would say with ‘self-help’ mentality. Thus, the responsibility to support peacekeeping, both financially and quantitatively, lies in the hands of developing countries, which they cannot do by themselves. The chapter also mentions the need to reform the UN Security Council, transforming it from a symbol of a 20th-century power structure to a 21st-century multipolar world order.

There are two strands of global governance mentioned that are of importance, namely Sustainable Development and Internet Governance. Authors, through the first aspect of sustainable development, mention the historical role of the West in deteriorating the climate  and their unwillingness to take accountability for it and presently accusing the Global South to take the burden of it. West actively tried to mask any sort of ‘new ideas’ coming from the South that talk about their sovereignty and freedom. Active encroachment by Western companies as a common sight in the new age of colonialism is highlighted by the book (p. 76). The global South’s frequent demand for accountability from the West for their development has been denied, saying that climate change and environmental degradation are the result of population growth and poverty. There has been mention of China’s rise as an industrial capital where they chose to make a different argument justifying the Chinese emissions.

The authors mention “cyberspace as a medium was born from the unipolarity of the late 20^th century” (p125). Internet initially being an informal medium with no supervision and then to having supervision and laws written about its usage. Since it was the product of the developed North, authors argue about its lack of availability and accessibility to the developing South, pointing towards the existing digital divide. Countries like China which otherwise maintain warm relations with the West initially refused to give space for companies like Google, Facebook, YouTube, etc. The Internet was also used as a tool to propagate the liberal democratic values of the west as a reason why the government fears people falling for their propaganda. The authors also explicitly point out the Chinese interventions into their citizen’s lives through the internet as well as other forms of surveillance. Here the book tries to show the multiple faces of technology one of which can be used to make life easier to connect with the world whereas the other is about disconnecting and seclusion.

Chapter five of the book talks about the formation of a new world order under certain new age powers replacing the former 20^th century world order. After the collapse of the Soviets within the next 14 years there had been a democratic wind that swept across 91 countries because of the phenomenon of globalization. But in recent years authors  identify the diminishing ambitions of Globalization and world diving into protectionism. The rise of strong men like Putin, Trump, Xi-Jinping, and Erdogan is causing a threat to the current international system. The world now sees the rise of prominent international groupings such as BRICS, SCO, and ASEAN, which are dominated by countries of the global south. Authors have increasingly depicted the Chinese rise in the international system and increasing their footprints all over the world just like a predominant power. Chinese development is considered a blow to the concept that progress can only be achieved through a liberal market-led economy that democracies have. China now is a different model of development for various countries through their ambitious projects like BRI expanding their sphere of influence day by day.

In the concluding chapter, the authors mention increasing attempts to be anti-globalist by various countries. The main reason given by the authors is the widening economic divide. The election of Trump can be seen as a major example of frustration by the commons for losing their jobs to other countries. So, in this world that is ever so divided by and rise of China as a global power wielding its authoritarian system, and the US trying to be separated as they were in the 18^th and 19^th centuries, India is a beacon of hope for the democratic liberal order. Chapter enumerates the multiculturalism of Indian society pertaining to be a  first-rate example to others who consider ‘A multicultural society is a society that has multiple conflicts’ (p. 245). The authors were also clear about the fact that Indian society isn’t perfect and mentioned its drawbacks. The book ends by expressing a staunch belief that India is now ready to become a ‘Rule-maker’ from a ‘Rule-taker’.

The book does justice in providing the necessary information to facilitate a good reading experience. But it can be seen that there is a repetition of the same set of information which challenges the very claims the book tries to emulate as all pervasive. The book does not detail Indian policies which lead to India being a major player in the current international system. Keeping these aside the book would satisfy anyone with a curiosity in international relations. 

References